supporters from fighting each other, they would be able to defeat the Congress in a majority of the constituencies. As Haig explained to the Viceroy, the interests of Hindu and Muslim landlords were identical and they could greatly help each other ‘through the influence the Muslim landlord has over his Hindu tenants, and vice versa .’ 64 This, however, was a fond hope, for the party also came to be divided along communal lines in addition to suffering from personality conflicts between its members. Thus, Jinnah’s policy of setting up the UPMLPB caused much consternation among Muslim landlords who appeared reluctant to compete electorally against it since its ‘name carried considerable influence in the U.P .’ 65 The landlords’ initial strategy was to ‘capture the machinery of the provincial electoral board and having done so, render it nugatory .’ 66 They could not however succeed in this endeavour, thanks to the vigilance of the MUB group and due to the fact that the NAP leaders lacked strength to stand up to Jinnah . 67 When the latter made it clear that MLPB members could not run ..... highlighting the extensive public debates which fed popular conceptions regarding Pakistan and the accompanying hopes, apprehensions and questions that confronted U.P Muslims who indeed led the struggle for its creation, this book contends that Pakistan was not always ‘insufficiently imagined’ in the process of its creation as has been assumed thus far in Partition historiography. Partition Historiography and the ‘Insufficient’ Imagination of Pakistan Pakistan, by most accounts, seems to have happened in a fit of collective South Asian absent-mindedness, the tragic end result of the ‘transfer of power’ negotiations gone awry, hastily midwifed by a cynical, war we